Editor’s note: Read this article and extrapolate to many other alleged ‘Muslim terror masterminds’. Most likely, all of them were, in one way or another, assets of US intelligence agencies, tasked with creating the ‘reality’ of a terror threat to the USA in order that the US government could respond by invading and occupying nations around the world as part of the long war against Russia and China and securing the Middle East in particular for the ‘new American century’.
From quasi investigative reports to legitimate leaks, whistleblowers and numerous court documents, several key 9/11 operatives have been identified and confirmed as assets and or informants of the United States government. All details of these operatives’ positions, functions and employment records have been sealed and protected as beyond and above top secret classified. Further, despite the established facts and undeniable trail of evidentiary crumbs, the mainstream and pseudo-alternative tentacles of the establishment continue to downplay or plainly disregard these cases, and parrot the long ago debunked official narrative. According to them the sum of two plus two plus more twos equals … well, a solid ‘zero.’
Whether it is Anwar al-Awlaki, a man who was born and highly educated in the United States, who fought on our side against our competitors’ interests, who was a regular figure at the Pentagon and the brass’ dinner companion, who was on the FBI’s payroll and highly valued by the US Congress; or Ali Mohamed’s employment with the United States Army’s Green Barret and the CIA, and his connections with the FBI; or the landlord of two 9/11 hijackers in San Diego, who happened to be a highly valued long-term FBI informant, we find ourselves staring at black holes of incomplete profiles and missing crucial information. In each of these cases we are dealing with a government engaged in an extraordinary level of secrecy, protection and cover-up. And with every single case we are faced with the crucial why question.
While each case, individually, on its own, paints an extremely troubling picture with serious implications, we must delve into the cases as a whole in order to see the larger theme and an even more telling story. Putting these established cases together, documented in one place, is a sound starting point towards needed answers- the truth; on 9/11.
On October 4, 2013, lawyers for Ali Al-Timimi, a Virginia man and Muslim scholar serving a life sentence for supporting jihad against the U.S., pushed to obtain more information from the federal government on evidence pertaining to the cleric Anwar Al-Awlaki’s recruitment as a U.S. government informant over a decade ago. According to Al-Timimi’s defense lawyer Jonathan Turley, recently-released FBI files suggest that Al-Awlaki may have been acting as an “asset” for some government agency. In response to Turley’s request for this crucial evidence, government prosecutors insisted that they had no obligation to provide the detail of its dealings with Al-Awlaki:
“Mr. Turley has no right to know [whether the government] had an asset into Awlaki at that time. Mr. Turley has no right to know if Mr. Awlaki was an asset at that time!”
Leonie Brinkema, the presiding U.S. District Court Judge on the case, has not been inclined to grant motions filed by Al-Timimi seeking more details on the government’s relationship with Al-Awlaki. Further, Brinkema suggested that part of the answer to these concerns is so highly classified that she is the only person at the court who is allowed to see it, and that even a number of other personnel with “Top Secret” clearance were not allowed to see the documents pertaining to these concerns.
Talk about secrecy! You can read Al-Tamimi’s motion seeking evidence about Al-Awlaki here , and the government’s response here.
Even former FBI Director Robert Mueller did not deny the official working relationship between the Bureau and Awlaki:
Documents obtained by Judicial Watch after it filed a Freedom of Information Act request and then sued the FBI, show the FBI Director was more deeply involved in the post-9/11 handling of al-Awlaki than previously known.
One memo from Mueller to then-Attorney General John Ashcroft on Oct. 3, 2002 — seven days before the cleric re-entered the U.S. and was detained at JFK — is marked “Secret” and titled “Anwar Aulaqi: IT-UBL/AL-QAEDA.”
While the substance of the memo is redacted in full, with the FBI citing classified material, the memo is one of at least three FBI reports, whose primary subject is the cleric, in the nine days leading up to al-Awlaki’s sudden return to the U.S. in October 2002.
Another FBI memo, also marked “Secret,” on Oct. 22, 2002, 12 days after the cleric’s return, includes the subject line “Anwar Nasser Aulaqi” and “Synopsis: Asset reporting.” It is not clear whether the term “asset” refers to the cleric or another individual.
“Why would al-Awlaki get the attention of the FBI Director? Why would a warrant for his arrest be pulled when he’s trying to reenter the country?” asked Judicial Watch President Tom Fitton.
As he leaves the FBI after 12 years — two years beyond the traditional term – Director Robert Mueller did not dismiss the possibility in an interview with Fox News. “I am not personally familiar with any effort to recruit Anwar al-Awlaki as an asset — that does not mean to say there was not an effort at some level of the Bureau (FBI) or another agency to do so,” Mueller said.
Awlaki was born in the United States and raised in an affluent family, with a highly educated father who was a Fulbright scholar:
“Al-Awlaki was born in the United States. His parents were from Yemen. His father did his graduate work at U.S. universities, receiving his doctorate at the University of Nebraska, and later working at the University of Minnesota (1975 to 1977).”
He pursued higher education at prestigious U.S. universities as well:
“Al-Awlaki earned his B.S. in Civil Engineering from Colorado State University (1994). He also studied at San Diego State University, and worked on a doctorate degree in Human Resource Development at George Washington University Graduate School of Education & Human Development (2001).”
Strangely, despite his preacher, aka Imam, positions, al-Awlaki never received any formal Islamic education. In fact, this is what other Islamic preachers have said about him:
“Some Muslim scholars said they did not understand al‑Awlaki’s popularity, because while he spoke fluent English and could therefore reach a large non-Arabic-speaking audience, he lacked formal Islamic training and study.”
Awlaki’s upbringing and higher education took place here in the United States. His family was not Islamist or radicalized. He never went to Madrasas or Islamic preaching schools. So was he really radicalized? From documented facts and his history it seems as if he had later assumed the role of a radical Islamist. He was playing that role.
Now things get a bit more interesting: Awlaki spent a summer of his college years training with the Afghan Mujahideen. Why is this interesting? Because this summer training took place sometime between 1991 and 1994. We are not talking about the era when the Mujahideen fought the Soviets. No, this is not the 80s we are talking about. During this period there were no Taliban guys; Taliban had not yet been formed. The only Mujahideen in operation were the ones backed and directed by Pakistan’s ISI, with foreign participants mainly backed by Saudi Arabia:
“Pakistan’s ruling military establishment was opposed to the new developments in neighboring Afghanistan. Afghanistan expert Neamatollah Nojumi writes, “[t]hese new political and military developments in Afghanistan forced the Pakistani intelligence agency ISI to organize a military plan with forces belonging to Hekmatyar’s Hezb-i Islami … This militaristic plan aimed to capture Kabul and was in full force when … the rest of the Mujahideen leaders in Pakistan agreed to the UN peace plan. On the eve of the successful implementation of the UN peace plan in Afghanistan the ISI, through Hekmatyar and non-Afghan volunteers, led hundreds of trucks loaded with weapons and fighters to the southern part of Kabul.”
When we delve in further, we see Awlaki’s main area of interest:
“In 1994 Awlaki began service as a part-time imam of the Denver Islamic Society, where he encouraged Saudis to fight in Chechnya against the Russians.”
Let’s see. Who else would have interests in that region that would be against the Russian interests? Remember we are talking about the Post-Soviet period here. So the relationship between Awlaki and the CIA-Pentagon cannot be written off as one of those overly used ‘well, that was during the Afghan-Soviet War when we aligned ourselves with one evil against another evil,’ lines. This was the era when we began competing with Russia over the resource-rich region. Chechens have been one of our main tools to sabotage Russian interests in this region. So basically, Awlaki was encouraging terror operations against our competitor, and that would make him someone who was suavely playing a radical Islamist role for our side and special interests. In other words, we are talking Operation Gladio B.
So what happened next? Based on documented background information, by 2000-2001 Awlaki had ties to and relationships with high-ranking FBI officials:
“In 2001 Awlaki settled on the East Coast in the Washington Metropolitan Area where he served as imam at the Dar al-Hijrah mosque. This is where he led academic discussions and preaching frequented by FBI Director of Counter-Intelligence for the Middle East Gordon M. Snow.”
Awlaki was also a sought after figure by the Pentagon-he even dined with top brass, and he was a chosen man on Capitol Hill as well.
This is the same man, who from very early on during the 9/11 investigation, was tied in many ways to the supposed 9/11 terrorist attacks:
“When police investigating the 9/11 attacks raided the Hamburg, Germany, apartment of Ramzi bin al-Shibh, they found the telephone number of al-Awlaki among bin al-Shibh’s personal contacts.
One detective later told the 9/11 Commission he believed al-Awlaki “was at the center of the 9/11 story”. And an FBI agent said, “if anyone had knowledge of the plot, it would have been” him, since “someone had to be in the U.S. and keep the hijackers spiritually focused”.
One common denominator among FBI-CIA terrorist recruits is the terrorist candidates’ being easily Blackmail-able. Recall one of the alleged 9/11 hijackers, Mohamed Atta, and the fantasy marketed by officials and their tentacles in the media that the one thing all the 9/11 hijackers shared was their adherence to the extreme side of Islam- aka Fanatic Islamists. The real history and facts state otherwise:
“In Venice Florida, Mohamed Atta lived for two months with an American stripper/lingerie model named Amanda Keller.
Atta loved to party. He was out with Keller nearly every night they were together. He was a heavy drinker, snorted coke, was a stylish dresser and wore expensive jewelry.
Atta, Keller, a stripper named Linda and two Germans, Peter and Johan, partied for three days in Key West. Atta paid for everything.
Atta frequented Vegas Casinos where he gambled, drank alcohol, and frequented strip clubs. Further, less than one week before the 9.11 attack…Atta and several other hijackers made a still-unexplained visit onboard one of Jack Abramoff’s casino boats.”
Awlaki too possessed such blackmail-able qualities that made him a perfect candidate. As he was being surveilled by the FBI (and probably the CIA), the pious Muslim preacher married with three children frequented escorts and brothels, received blowjobs and kinky intercourse, and had arrest record(s) for propositioning hookers. In a Hollywoodesque exposé written by New York Post, ‘The secret sex life of one of al Qaeda’s most fearsome members‘, we get a better picture of Awlaki’s activities making him a perfect recruit:
“Such solo drives had become routine for him, though the settings varied; sometimes it was a motel in a seedier part of the city, or tonier lodging in the sprawling Virginia suburbs. This time it was the Marriott Residence Inn on P Street toward the end of the holy month of Ramadan.
In a Washington Post online chat a few weeks earlier, he had explained that Muslims abstained from sexual activity during Ramadan between sunrise and sunset. It was 2:30 p.m. when he made his way to Room 1010, where a young woman from Texas awaited.
He was a computer engineer, born in India and now living in California, Awlaki told her. He was polite and apologized for sneezing so much, explaining that he was suffering from hay fever. He handed over $220 and she performed oral sex on him. He “finished very quickly” and asked her for another round, the woman would later recount. But she was trying to raise the money to go to college in Florida and said he’d have to pay another $220. He said he’d pay again only for full sexual intercourse. She declined and he went on his way. He was a busy man, after all.
In the months after 9/11, the watchers from the SSG followed Awlaki to assignations with prostitutes at the Wyndham City Center, the Melrose, the Monarch, Avenue Suites, the Swissotel, and more. Agents would follow up with the women later the same day or the next day, asking about Awlaki’s words and actions. He liked the lights on, the agents learned. He found the escort services online and booked their services under his real name. Sometimes he asked for intercourse, sometimes oral sex, and sometimes he just watched the woman stimulate herself while he masturbated.”
Just like in any organized criminal network, the ultimate end of US government snitches, rats and assets who bear witness to government criminal operations, including terrorism, is either death by a hit-job, assassination, unexplained murder or suicide. And this consistent pattern shows up in the case of Awlaki – death by drone assassination ordered secretly by the highest echelons of a criminal government from the White House:
“A federal court on Monday released a previously secret government memo outlining the legal justification for the 2011 killing of Anwar al-Awlaki, a U.S. citizen and accused al-Qaeda operative, in a drone strike in Yemen.
The document was released under order of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 2nd Circuit in New York and provides the most detailed explanation to date for the legal reasoning behind Awlaki’s killing. Its disclosure also represents a significant capitulation by the Obama administration, which fought for years to keep the memo – as well as many other aspects of its targeted-killing program – secret from the public.
“We do not believe that al-Aulaqi’s U.S. citizenship imposes constitutional limitations that would preclude the contemplated lethal action” by the U.S. military or CIA, the memo concluded, clearing the way for a drone strike that would trigger intense legal and political debate.
The newly released document indicates that both the U.S. military and the CIA had assured the Justice Department that “they intend to capture” Awlaki but had made clear that doing so “would be infeasible at this time.”
While acknowledging that killing a U.S. citizen carries “the risk of erroneous deprivation of a citizen’s liberty in the absence of sufficient process,” the memo argued that those considerations are overwhelmed when the target poses “a continued and imminent threat of violence or death” to other Americans.”
What really warranted a covert assassination order and execution of Al-Awlaki, a US citizen, directly by the President? As we all know dead men can’t talk. The drone assassination eliminated one more witness – a possible loose end with the potential of becoming a loudmouth. Yet the documents, albeit limited, witnesses, tireless investigative work of a few truth-seeking journalists live on – in hopes of a legitimate truth movement that never gives up seeking the truth.
About the author
Sibel Edmonds is editor and publisher of Newsbud, founder and president of the National Security Whistleblowers Coalition (NSWBC), and author of the acclaimed books Classified Woman: The Sibel Edmonds Story, and The Lone Gladio, a Political Spy Thriller. She is the recipient of the 2006 PEN/Newman’s Own First Amendment Award. Ms. Edmonds is a certified linguist, fluent in four languages, and has an MA in public policy from George Mason University and a BA in criminal justice and psychology from George Washington University.